Social coordination between the two major alliances has become a cause of political disputes in the assembly elections in Maharashtra. These two alliances are Mahayuti led by the Bharatiya Janata Party and Maha Vikas Aghadi led by the Congress. Both alliances are making headlines with their seat-sharing agreements and candidate announcements. Ambedkarite politics, an important aspect of Maharashtra’s political scenario, is being marginalized from public debate. Ideological divisions among Ambedkarite parties, fueled by compulsions of sub-regional heritage, have taken deep root, reducing their electoral importance in Maharashtra.
Ambedkarite politics in Maharashtra is determined by two main ideologies: the Republican school and the Bahujan school. Each of these schools has followed different ideological paths and leadership styles, resulting in a fragmented political discourse that hampers the collective strength of Ambedkarite politics.
republican school
This school has its origins in the Republican Party of India, which was originally conceived by Dr BR Ambedkar in 1956. Over time, the RPI split into many factions, but two main groups are still alive. The first faction is the RPI faction led by Ramdas Athawale, who is currently the Minister of State for Social Justice and Empowerment in the Modi government. Athawale’s political base is mainly in Mumbai and surrounding urban areas. By aligning himself with the Bharatiya Janata Party, Athawale provides access to government resources to urban Dalits, thereby maintaining their relevance in Maharashtra politics.
The second faction was the Indian Republican Party-Bahujan Mahasangh, also known as Bharatiya Bahujan Mahasangh, led by Prakash Ambedkar, grandson of BR Ambedkar. Now he has formed Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi. Prakash Ambedkar’s politics have a strong presence in areas of Maharashtra that were once part of the Nizam’s Hyderabad. The communist movement had a strong presence in those areas and therefore its politics were also more associated with leftist ideology. In the 2019 general elections, VBA formed an alliance with Asaduddin Owaisi’s All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen and won the Aurangabad parliamentary constituency.
But in the 2019 assembly elections, the two parties adopted different approaches: VBA leaders complained that their supporters effectively transferred votes to AIMIM candidates, but AIMIM voters were not voter-friendly. Following this split, the VBA attempted to appeal directly to Muslim voters by nominating a large number of Muslim candidates and addressing Muslim issues on its agenda.
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VBA recently came to the fore when its supporters tried to stop Yogendra Yadav’s Save the Constitution campaign in Akola, from where Prakash Ambedkar is contesting. Both factions of the republican school try to promote Dalit interests, but their ideological differences pose a significant challenge. Ramdas Athawale’s alliance with the BJP reflects a right-wing stance, while Prakash Ambedkar’s political outlook is left-wing. This ideological gap is a legacy problem that has prevented these factions from coming together to increase the influence of Ambedkarite politics in the electoral politics of Maharashtra.
Bahujan School
This school emerged from the Bahujan movement started by Kanshi Ram, who was also inspired by Dr. Ambedkar. The Bahujan Samaj Party is the first representative of this school, but it is not the only unit. The backward and minority communities are small political groups born of a disillusioned leadership within the Employees Federation. In 1986, following differences with Kanshi Ram over the future direction of the BSP, several high-ranking founding members of BAMCEF broke away and formed their own political parties.
Today, BAMCEF groups led by BD Borkar and Waman Meshram represent the original branches. Both branches also have their own separate political parties: the People’s Party of India and the Bahujan Mukti Party. He has tried to distance himself from Kanshi Ram’s legacy of “bahujan” or “dalit” by adopting the term “mulnivaasi” (native inhabitants) for political mobilization.
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Lack of charismatic leadership in the state.
Divisions within the republican and Bahujan schools of Ambedkarite politics have weakened the unity needed to build a political force in Maharashtra. Fragmentation across the state has worsened due to the absence of a charismatic leader who can inspire an Ambedkarite movement across the state. In the absence of such unified leadership, Ambedkarite politics has struggled to garner mass support, losing momentum and influence in the state of Maharashtra. This is clearly visible in these elections.
Although Prakash Ambedkar and Ramdas Athawale have established bases in their respective areas, both lack the appeal and influence to organize multiple Ambedkarite groups across Maharashtra under a single banner. This has weakened their bargaining power, which is visible in coalition politics. Despite all his efforts, Prakash Ambedkar could not join the MVA.
The BJP, on the other hand, gives nominal seats to the Athawale-led RPI. Dr. Ambedkar has left a long legacy, which has created a discourse beyond the left and the right. His legacy has given a strong ideological basis to Ambedkarite politics not only in Maharashtra but throughout India.
However, this policy is marginalizing the political environment of Maharashtra every day. Fragmentation of the Ambedkarite movement, ideological drift and lack of charismatic leadership are the important reasons behind this.
(Report: Arvind Kumar and Shrikant Borkar)
(Arvind Kumar is Visiting Professor of Politics and International Relations at the University of Hertfordshire, UK. Shrikant Borkar is a Bard Fellow at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, UK.)
